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FRB: Blame “collective self-fulfilling mania” rather than Bad Banking

April 16, 2012 5 comments

Hat-tip to David Dayen of Firedog Lake for pointing out a paper from three economists with the Federal Reserve that pushes the outer limits of common-sense.  Why Did So Many People Make So Many Ex Post Bad Decisions?  The Causes of the Foreclosure Crisis, by Cristopher Foote, Kristopher Gerardi, and Paul Willen of the FRB Boston, Atlanta, and Boston respectively.

The authors present 12 “facts,” many which are iffy at best, showing that the bubble was some sort of “collective self-fulfilling mania.”  Arguing (of course) against banking regulations they seem to be saying a modern-day Svengali hypnotized tens of millions of people to take crappy loans.

Before moving onto their twelve facts they demonstrate an alarming lack of understanding about MBS and MBS-related products:

“.. the top rated tranches of Wall Street’s mortgage-backed securities performed much better than the top-rated tranches of its collateralized debt obligations, another type of structured security.  This discrepancy occurred even though both types of securities were ultimately collateralized by subprime mortgages, and even though both types of securities were constructed by the same investment banks.”  - Why Did So Many People…, Pg. 4.

Keep in mind how mortgage CDO’s work; bankers would take, say, ten slices from ten different batches of MBS of loans that were rated non investment grade.  They’d then bundle them together and rate the top part of the new bundle — the very same loans that had been judged non investment grade — as magically now being investment grade.

CDO’s are analogous to somebody trying to sell you a pile dog droppings.  You’d rightfully saying “have you lost your mind: it stinks.”  Then they’d return with a new pile, made up from 1/10th of the pool of ten different piles, along with an expert who said really doesn’t stink.  Most people would believe both the expert, in this case the bond-ratings agencies, and the seller had lost their mind.  Instead, they believed it didn’t stink and, apparently, so to do these three.

Given a fundamental misunderstanding on how these products work it’s clear they have a similar misunderstanding about how the entire field works.  Let’s move on to those twelve facts.  I’m paraphrasing for brevity.

1. Exploding ARM’s didn’t cause the mess.
Their rationale:  People repaid them during the bubble so it must not be the exploding ARM’s.
My rebuttal: They repaid them because they could obtain financing.  When they could no longer refi, which bankers could and should have anticipated, and the loans exploded, those loans caused a predictable mess.

2. No mortgage was designed to fail.
Their rationale: Nobody would design a product to fail.
My rebuttal: Nobody would design a product to fail .. unless they made lots more money selling it and maintained no liability for the failure than a well-designed product.

3. There was little innovation in mortgage markets in the 2000s.
Their rationale: Option-ARM’s and the rest have always existed.
My rebuttal: Yep, and were seldom used.  Their use exploded in the mid 2000′s and the economy exploded shortly thereafter.

4. Government policy towards mortgages didn’t change much from 1990 to 2005.
Their rationale: Government started making no down-payment loans to soldiers fifty years before so the no-down loans to, say, the homeless dude are the same thing.
My rebuttal: No .. it’s not.  WWII veterans had a certain level of inherent underwriting: they’d just returned from years of fighting where they’d cooperated with other countries to kick the crap out of the Axis and, oh yeah, they were alive to take out a loan.  Pulse loan borrowers didn’t meet this criteria.

5. The originate-to-distribute model was not new.
Their rationale: Servicing has been around forever and was used extensively by S&L’s in the 1980′s.
My rebuttal: Umm.. Ahh… Seriously!?  1,000+ S&L bankers ended up in jail.

6. MBSs, CDOs, and other “complex financial products” have been widely used for decades.
Their rational:  In 1977 Salomon Brothers arranged the first private market MBS deal; CDO’s came along in the 1990′s.
My rebuttale: Lew Ranieri, head of the Solomon MBS desk, has repeatedly stated the modern MBS is nothing like his MBS and he’s right. He’s an early, loud, vicious, and vocal opponent of what his invention morphed into. Look, dynamite can be used to help build tunnels and bridges or used by terrorists.  That’s why we strictly regulate its use.

7. Mortgage investors had lots of information.
Their rationale: Self-evident .. they did have lots of information. I use it.
My rebuttal: They were relying on those AAA ratings and everybody knew it. Borrowers listened to their crooked mortgage brokers and crooked appraises; investors listened to the crooked ratings agencies. Dumb?  Probably. Fraud?  Yes, since both mortgage brokers, appraisers, and ratings agencies knew their paid-for opinions were being relied upon. You’re all economists and know the problems of information asymmetry.

8. Investors understood the risks.
Their rationale:  Lehman released models showing a 17% decline in housing prices would cause enormous investor losses, labeling this a “meltdown.”
My rebuttal: Again, information asymmetry.  Anybody whose home only lost 17% from the height of the bubble here in FL would be dancing on their tables. Labeling this “meltdown” rather than “reality” speaks for itself: they didn’t understand.

9. Investors were optimistic about house prices.
Their rationale:  Lehman and others showed home prices appreciating.
My rebuttal: Yes, they did .. didn’t they?  I don’t remember many investment bank analysts warning about bubbles in 2005.

10. Mortgage market insiders were the biggest losers.
Their rationale: They melted their banks down.
My rebuttal: But the  people who melted the market kept the big bonus checks, even while their banks were smoldering. It’s not about the “banks,” but the people in them. I’d also personally urge the authors to talk to some parents who lost their home about how they explained it to the kids about who the genuine biggest losers are.

11. Mortgage market outsiders were the biggest winners.
Their rationale:  Famous housing shorts, who were not involved in housing except to buy CDS, made a killing.
My rebuttal: True, but insiders who came before them made an even bigger killing, though they killed their own banks in the process.  It is disingenuous to ignore the amounts of money pocketed by insiders  during the bubble and, instead, to look only at both parties after the economy melted down.

12. Top-rated bonds backed by mortgages did not turn out to be “toxic.” Top-rated bonds in CDO’s did.
Their rationale: The AAA’s haven’t melted down.
My rebuttal: Yet.  Which is why I’ve been frantically aggregating data and not writing much. Those AAA’s are doomed.  They’ve been playing games to keep them performing but reality always catches up.  The data is compelling: we’re near the end of the AAA-rated road.

In closing the authors maintain “If home buyers knew that future borrowers would not have access to the same financial innovation, they would not have bid up house prices in the first place.”  My rebuttal: Since the meltdown precipitated massive one-sided market interference to prop up banks they should have been regulated.  That is, if lenders were regulated they would not have been able to cause the bubble in the first place.

Trouble For the Triple A’s

Paul Krugman has a good column this morning, States of Depression, where he’s noticed that cuts at the state and local level are accelerating and becoming a burden on the overall economy.  I don’t always agree with Krugman but he’s dead-on with this one.

I’ve been studying housing finance reports extensively lately and can’t help miss how few of the AAA-rated tranches have taken losses.  According to official reports everything is peachy-keen with the overall majority of houses in subprimeville.

Except that it’s not.

I’ve written extensively that there are a myriad of indicators showing that those losses are very real, that they will have to be accounted for, and that they’re coming soon to our front door.

For those not in the know, mortgages were bundled together into big pools — called securities for legal reasons, though they look like bonds in the same way a Siberian Husky resembles a wolf — under the notion that if you combine enough the whole pile cannot collectively fail.  They were then divided into three sections, or groups, and each group usually divided into further subsections called tranches.

As losses hit these portfolios they were supposed to come from the bottom up, wiping out the lowest tier of the bottom group, then the next, and so forth.  Sometimes this was changed slightly so losses from each group were held within the group itself, but it’s the same basic notion.

Most importantly, the bottom tiers were supposed to insulate the top-tiers.  In fact, there was so much “buffer” built  in that the top tiers they were deemed as safe as US debt by the ratings agencies and rated AAA; actually safer, given our shiny-new AA rating.

However, much of that buffer has been eaten away.  Now that it’s gone we should be realizing the losses to the AAA’s but, rather, it’s “Houston (or, in this case, every other American city), we have a paperwork problem.”

Thanks to reckless, illegal, and unethical practices by mortgage servicers we really do have much worse than a “paperwork problem,” we had a fraud-fest that slowed down the foreclosure factory and delayed the losses.  But that excuse is wearing thin and we have to face the more basic problem: we’re broke.

In much the same way that pooling together all those houses was supposed to make sure the whole collection could not fail, it made a countrywide (yes, that’s intentional) decline in house prices push down the entire pool.  Rather than mark the losses we changed the accounting rules so that those losses could be delayed.  Reality has a way of catching up though, and we’re about there.

Who invested in these AAA’s?  Pension funds, life insurance companies, city, county, and state governments, college endowments; organizations that either should or were legally required to make extremely conservative investments.  Know those annuities your uncle Lew said would always pay .. the money’s likely supposed to come from the AAA’s.

The number of people hurt by the micro-economic effect of the housing bubble and ensuing foreclosure fiasco has been relatively small, thanks to the bailouts.  Love them or hate them — and I have to admit, I’m not such a big fan though I am beginning to understand them better — they buffered a severe blow to the economy.

All that will change soon as the AAA’s topple.  It’s not a question of if, just when .. and when comes closer every day.

Uber analyst Meredith Whitney famously predicted widespread municipal failures, and was famously “wrong” as muni bond prices declined thanks to some magic force propping up the market.  That force is called fraud, accounting fraud, and those muni’s will melt to mush.  Just like Jefferson County’s sewer system left the residents there in the financial crapper, so too will those AAA’s; they’re a cancer that’s being ignored (“Judge .. can we delay this sale a sixth time,” asks the bank lawyer).

I’m thinking of a comment I read a couple years ago from a man who said that he’s worked as a state government employee his whole life but who’s now retiring and moving to a different country to enjoy low taxes.  Somehow this putz didn’t see the correlation between his cushy lifelong pension to those same taxes.

Hopefully he’s having fun because it won’t be long until those fat checks for the tax-hating fat-cat bureaucrat will take a Marine-style haircut.

It’s virtually certain that a large percentage of his checks, and those that fund and fuel local spending, are invested in those AAA’s, and that those losses have not been accounted for.  At one point towards the end of last year Florida’s pension fund was reporting an 18% return, in a year when most hedge funds reports losses, thanks to the delusional way we account for AAA losses.

Maybe the people of the city, county, or state he “served,” with resentment will be willing to see their property and sales tax tripled to support sending pension checks to far-flung ingrate retirees like him.  Somehow I doubt it, especially since the anti-government feelings he embraces are widespread, and taxpayers resent being taxed for retiree pensions they themselves don’t have.  More likely are upcoming municipal bankruptcies to thrown him, and those like him, under one of the soon to be idled buses.

Whitney is right but, thanks to fraud, her timing was off.  When those losses start to hit everybody will feel the pain.  Schools will be shut-down, services slashed, and fees increased.  Soon we’ll be Greece, with fewer islands and lousier food.

One day we’ll look back upon the last few years and wish we’d had an honest discussion about how to quickly push down those principal levels and put a real floor on the housing market — and the structured finance products behind it — rather than the dysfunctional dialog that’s been ongoing.

Pro Publica’s Freddie Mac Story .. Remixed

February 15, 2012 Leave a comment

I’ve been working with Alan Boyce and his staff to better understand the ProPublica/NPR Freddie Mac story I criticized along with many other bloggers, Freddie Mac Bets Against American Homeowners.

To reiterate, ProPublica wrote that Freddie Mac kept (or “purchased”, though they really did neither)  the IO coupon of newly purchased securities, called inverse floaters.  These securities carried relatively steep interest rates, so it appeared that Freddie was aiming to discourage refinancing and place borrowers in “financial jail,” as one borrower put it.

Many bloggers, including me, responded “nonsense” .. there’s nothing wrong or strange about keeping the interest-only portion of newly issued securities; we weren’t even sure if anybody else would be interested in purchasing them.

What really happened is, like most issues affecting housing, more complicated, more sinister, and still entirely (as noted by Pro Publica) entirely legal.  It’s arguably the type of deal Freddie was required to enter into under the 2008 Housing and Economic Recovery Act (HERA 2008), which mandates that the GSE’s minimize taxpayer losses.

Background: the GSE’s, Fannie Mae & Freddie Mac

Before explaining let’s review some basics.  There are two Government Supported Enterprises, or GSE’s, related to housing, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.  People who work with them refer to them as Fannie and Freddie, or FMFM though I shy away from the latter.  They compete to purchase loans from banks.  They do not lend directly to borrowers.

Fannie and Freddie were “private” companies until 2008.  Because they were created by the US Government they were able to borrow money at lower rates than other private companies. Their prospectuses explicitly clarified the money they were raising was in no way backed by the US Government, though when they failed this explicit disclaimer was replaced by an “implied guarantee.”

When Fannie and Freddie began to collapse they were seized and back-stopped by the US Government.

There’s an irony that many sub-prime mortgage brokers made a rather explicit guarantee that, say, people could refinance before the interest rate on their adjustable mortgages exploded which were entirely ignored.  At the same time, the explicit non-guarantee affecting Fannie and Freddie investors was cast as exactly the opposite.

Fannie and Freddie purchase mortgages from banks, bundle them into “pools,” add a guarantee to loans with less than 80-percent equity, then resell the bundled mortgages to investors.  Sometimes they’ll sell only the interest only part of the loan, called IO, sometimes the principal only, called PO, and sometimes both.

At the same time they run what’s essentially an enormous hedge fund, purchasing many of the securities they themselves have guaranteed.  That is, one half of the organization bundles mortgages into pools, guarantees them, then sells them to investors which often includes people working in the other half of the organization.

Fannie and Freddie collapsed at the end of the housing bubble and the government swooped-in to rescue them, keeping them “private” but putting them under government “conservatorship” run by regulator Edward DeMarco.  To date, they’ve received over $182 billion of corporate welfare and the money keeps flowing.

As mentioned above, DeMarco is bound by HERA 2008; his job is to minimize the losses of the GSE’s to the American taxpayer while still retaining the aim of making houses affordable.

Fannie and Freddie, and DeMarco too, tend to make people’s blood boil across the political spectrum.  Some of that is justified; for example, approval of multi-million bonuses for the CEO’s of the GSE’s, refusing to answer Freedom Of Information Act Requests, and ignoring the loan-level reporting requirements in HERA 2008 are indefensible.

But in other ways the conflicting goals of minimizing taxpayer losses — i.e., by making money, or at least losing the minimum possible — and making housing affordable put DeMarco in an impossible situation.  For a more detail on how the US ended up in this position Reckless Endangerment: How Outsized Ambition, Greed, and Corruption Led to Economic Armageddon by Gretchen Morgenson and Joshua Rosner is the best primer.

The Freddie Inverse Floaters Explained

Inverse floater are mortgage instruments that do best if the borrower does not refinance.  I examined the 29 deals Pro Publica used as the basis to their story.  What was not clear is that these were not new mortgages; Freddie took mortgages they already owned — that were purchased by their hedge-fund — and rewrote them into new instruments, keeping the interest paying pieces.

Despite that the new securities were created in 2010-2011, they involved $1.23 billion of mortgages written in 2009, $3.68 billion of mortgages written in 2008, $6.61 billion written in 2007 .. even $105 million written in 1995.  

That is, Freddie essentially purchased usually old mortgages from themselves and remixed them into new securities where they benefited if borrowers could not refinance to lower interest rates.

Here is a spreadsheet detailing the Freddie Inverse Floaters & Related Instruments.

Freddie started to write these deals on March 1, 2010, though the majority — three times the prior volume — were written between Dec. 1, 2010 and April 1, 2011.  That’s important because Freddie increased its “Post Settlement Delivery Fee,” — a junk fee that makes refinancing to a new GSE loan less affordable — on Nov. 22, 2010.

Altogether Freddie wrote $17.19 billion in inverse floaters — instruments where Freddie loses if borrowers refinance — or instruments that function similarly to inverse floaters.

These loans were at relatively high interest rates, most likely from the lowest credit borrowers.  For example, the 2006 era loans carry an average interest rate of 6.65%, the 2007 era loans 6.52%, and the 2008 era loans 6.29%.

Principal and interest payments on a $350,000 30-year loan at 6.29% is $2,164/month.  At 3% interest the same loan costs $1,476/month, or $689 dollars per month less, so there is an an appreciable difference.  Over the life of the loan the higher interest costs a borrower $247,863 extra, money Freddie stands to gain at the expense of their borrowers.

As Pro Publica pointed out, correctly, Freddie stands to lose if people who took out these higher interest payments refinance to lower interest payments.  Where they blew it was not breaking down the new instruments, the inverse floaters, into the years that the underlying mortgages came from.

Thanks to DeMarco’s thankless and somewhat schizophrenic mandate, it is not clear whether Freddie and the FHFA did anything wrong or whether the mandate itself — if not the GSE’s — needs to be revisited with the purpose of finally dismantling the GSE’s.  Freddie Mac and a host of banker have defended the deals, though I suspect most bankers did not realize Freddie was remixing old loans, not new one’s.

All the confusion, the conflicts of interest, and the grey areas of morality, point to the need to dismantle the GSE’s and push tirelessly to restart the private secondary market, which has essentially vaporized since the financial crisis.

As long as government continues to dominate the lending business, especially with such a conflicted and emotionally charged mandate, the private market — and the discipline putting one’s own money on the line inspires — will never return.

More on ProPublica’s Off Base Charges About Freddie Mac’s Mortgage “Bets”

February 2, 2012 1 comment

Cross Posted from nakedcapitalism.com.

Fallout continues from the ProPublica/NPR story “Freddie Mac Bets Against American Homeowners,” though probably not the sort ProPublica expected.

Many in the blogsphere who work on finance and housing finance issues, including myself and Yves Smith, didn’t find the piece to be convincing. In a rebuttal Yves, who like me is anything but a cheerleader for the GSEs, explained Freddie’s practice is, in reality, only slightly more nefarious than clearing snow from the parking lot. That is, of all the awful decisions Freddie Mac makes, this isn’t one of them.

ProPublica co-author Jesse Eisinger replied to Yves’ critique in the comment section. I e-mailed Yves about Jesse’s remarks and she suggested I flesh my observations out into a post.

To recap: Freddie Mac purchases and bundles mortgages, bundles those mortgages into pools of mortgages, then sells the expected mortgage payments to investors in the form of bond-like securities.

Securitization is a vital component of the modern mortgage market, or most other credit markets for that matter, since the process frees up capital that can then be used to make more mortgages.

In late 2010 Freddie Mac, according to the ProPublica story, started to retain a greater number of “inverse floaters,” an instrument created when mortgage pools are turned into collateralized mortgage obligations. As Yves pointed out, even though this portion is typically hard to sell and is thus often retained by the originator, it often makes more sense to use a CMO to create more conventional-looking bonds that can be sold to investors at better prices and retain inverse floater because it results in lower interest rates than if they sold a simple mortgage pass through. The GSEs have a mandate to provide more affordable loans to homeowners and better results to taxpayers, so lowering the cost of mortgage funding is consistent with those objectives. It is true that inverse floaters benefit when borrowers don’t refi, but as Yves pointed out, the GSEs engage in very complex interest rate hedging strategies. Looking at this position by itself tells you nothing about Freddie’s overall interest rate bets.

ProPublica tried to argue that an increase starting in 2010-2011 versus 2008-2009 in the number of deals where the inverse floaters were retained was a sign of Freddie positioning itself to bet against homeowners. The authors apparently failed to look at Freddie’s CMO issuance during this period. Its CMO issuance rose, and so it appears that much, perhaps all, of the increase in retention was due to an increase in mortgage funding by Freddie (see the bottom blue bars in the left hand chart):

Moreover, the inverse floater is the portion of the CMO that is most exposed to prepayment risk. Given the uncertainty about government intervention in the mortgage market, investors in both straight passthroughs and in CMOs would be more leery than usual of taking prepayment risk. To put it in trader-speak, as readers have, this is a “long vol” bet, and if investors were unwilling to buy volatility (as in vol was unusually cheap), it would make even more sense to retain it.

Yet ProPublica contended that Freddie Mac’s use of inverse floaters represented a conflict of interest because the GSE would lose money from the hedges if borrowers refinanced to lower interest mortgages. They implied Freddie could abuse its influence in the housing market to prevent lower-interest refinancing programs, which are better for borrowers.

I’ll summarize Jesse’s comments, which I verified did come from him:

• Freddie’s retention of inverse floaters increased in 2010 then came to an abrupt half in 2011, making it appear that the FHFA, which oversees Freddie, told them to knock off which is a tacit acknowledgment the government-owned organization should not profit by trapping people in higher-interest mortgages.

• There exists less complicated and less expensive ways to hedge the interest rate risk. Jesse quoted a trader who summarized “.. comparing inverse floaters to hedging tools is not just apples and oranges — it’s more like apples and cars. They just have nothing to do with each other.”

• Retaining the interest-only streams runs contrary to Freddie’s mandate to decrease their portfolio.

I have to point out that Jesse misrepresented Yves’ argument. She never said the inverse floaters were a hedge; she said you can’t tell what bets Freddie is making unless you look at all their positions, since the GSEs do a great deal of interest rate hedging. The wager represented by the inverse floater may well have been partially or fully offset by other positions.

Since the story surfaced, the FHFA released a statement clarifying that the inverse floaters make up about $5 billion of Freddie’s $650 billion portfolio.

My own analysis is that the argument that Freddie didn’t bet against the American homeowner. There’s just too much direct and indirect evidence supporting they simply made a decision that was, in hindsight, politically bone-headed albeit fiscally benign.

Consider the following:

Every quarter the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) releases a study detailing loss mitigation options, including modifications, for mortgages. Their latest study was release for Q3, 2011. They break modification options down into several buckets, including capitalization, interest rate reduction, interest rate freeze, term extension, principal reduction, principal deferral, and “not reported” (the servicer cannot contractually explain what modification term they offered).

Freddie regularly freezes and lowers interest rates in modifications. Since Freddie refuses to engage in principal reduction, it makes no sense they’d neuter one of the favorite tools in their modification arsenal by betting against it.

Here are some modification stats. Keep in mind, while reviewing the figures, that most modifications involve more than one category of relief, so results add to over 100%.
Freddie reduced interest rates in 74% of the modifications they offered and froze rates in 7.6% of their mods. In contrast Fannie reduced rates in 70.4% of their mods and froze rates in 3.6%. In contrast government-guaranteed (FHA, VHA, etc..) loans lowered rates in 93.7% of their mods, private investors lowered rate in 71.5% of their mods, and portfolio loans lowered interest in 83.6% of their mods.

Fannie and Freddie are vigilant, almost to the point or paranoia, about strategic defaults: making bets to trap people in high-interest mortgages makes strategic default more likely. The Mortgage Bankers Association commissioned a study about strategic defaults, comparing them to a disease. That is, strategic defaults, they argued, are contagious across borrowers. Their solution, faster foreclosures to stem strategic defaults, appears nonsensical. But the underlying theory, that if one neighbor sees another move down the street into the same model home for half the rent that the second neighbor will do the same, does not appear far-fetched. Getting back to the issue at hand, it just doesn’t make sense that Freddie Mac, for some short-term trading gains, would risk spreading a “disease” that puts the entire portfolio at risk.

Freddie doesn’t have enough influence over borrower interest rates to believe they could rig the entire market. There’s nothing except the fiscal/monetary policy firewall stopping the Federal Reserve from offering to buy bundled refinanced performing GSE mortgages. By offering to pay a premium they could reduce interest rates and justify enough cash-flow for some limited principal reduction.

In normal times that firewall would prove impossible to breach, but these are anything but normal times. Arguing that the Fed is banned from engaging in this type of relief would be akin to a mother of four arguing she needs to preserve her virginity.

If that happened, and it does not seem far-fetched, Freddie or Fannie would have to say about the matter. People would go to a private lender, who would sell their loans on a private secondary mortgage market, and quickly flip the pooled securities to the Fed. This policy would quickly enable the refi’s, reduce the GSE’s portfolio, and might reignite the private secondary mortgage market.

Freddie surely recognized this risk and wouldn’t be foolish enough to bet against it happening in a major way.

Freddie acts stupid, not suicidal. Freddie is already a political pariah. In modern American discourse there are few areas of consensus on any subject between the political right, left, and center, or between various economists and businesspeople, except that Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae are awful.

Debates typically center around how much they suck, but nobody argues they’re welcome additions to the US business climate. Literally nobody except maybe Newt Gingrich likes these organizations.

Freddie surely would not be so stupid as to overtly bet against American homeowners in this environment. Conversely, once they realized their hedging strategies could be perceived as exactly that they quickly stopped using that strategy, which is why the use of inverse floaters came to an abrupt end.

ProPublica has an established reputation. But sometimes even the best bomb.

It’d be legitimate to question why, say, Fannie and Freddie have a higher 12-month re-default rates than private market modifications over recent years, despite having substantially lower-risk borrowers. An investigative series about their central role in the foreclosure fraud crisis — their reckless policies and practices set the stage for our current fraud-fest — would be welcome and bruising. It’s arguably harder to find something that the GSE’s do right than something they do wrong.

Maybe ProPublica is a victim of its own success. This story about inverse floaters is the inverse of what we’ve come to expect and what the economy requires if we’re ever going to substantively recover: fact-based reporting on serious but solvable real problems.

S&P: “it could be structured by cows and we would rate it.”

January 26, 2012 1 comment

Tuesday, Abigail Field and I published a piece breaking down the performance of an S&P rated sub-prime bond, Standard & Poor’s Standards Left Investors Poorer.

Yesterday the Attorney General of IL, Lisa Madigan, filed a lawsuit against S&P for this very behavior.

The complaint contains internal email and IM messages; they’re not new, but they paint a portrait of an organization that intentionally and recklessly led the world economy off a cliff.

I won’t repeat the earlier S&P post except to point out that while directing vitriol towards Standard & Poor’s, and the other ratings agencies, is nothing new, the timing of these lawsuits is only now becoming germane.  That is because the top “AAA” rated tranches are just now reaching their lowest tiers, the one’s that were safer than US debt, and never supposed to fail.

Remember, the way these securities were structured: investors purchased different groups of loans, called tranches.  Some investors were supposed to take the first losses, and others the latter losses.  There were three groups and losses were never supposed to extend to the top group because even in a catastrophic loss scenario the lower tranches would insulate investors.

Even with the brutal meltdown in housing most top-tranche mortgage-backed securities have held up relatively well .. until now.  Now the lower tranches are gone, the top 2/3rds of the higher-rated tranches have been paid off (often with no losses, as expected) but the bottom 1/3rd tranche — the best loans — is certain to take losses which S&P predicted were never supposed to occur.

Here are some choice excerpts from the lawsuit that make it clear how much S&P believed their own ratings, and what was their actual driving force:

“.. improving (the accuracy of) the model would not add to S&P’s revenues.”  Email, 3/23/2005.

“Let’s hope we are all wealthy and retired by the time this house of cards falters.”  Email, 12/15/2006.

“We found from the arranger that our support level was 10% higher than Moody’s .. the only way to compete is to have a paradigm shift in thinking..”  Email, 5/24/2004.

“I would recommend we do something [u]nless we have too many deals in the US where this could hurt…” Email, 5/24/2007.

“Lord help our fucking scam … this has to be the stupidest place I have worked at.”  Email, date unknown.

“I am extremely afraid of the seeds of destruction the financial markets have planted… I have been a mortgage broker for the past 13 years and I have never seen such a lack of attention to loan risk. I am confident our present housing bubble is not from supply and demand of housing, but from money supply…”  6/27/2005 email from a mortgage broker to S&P.

Then there’s this April, 2006 IM chat between two employees:

Rahul: btw – that deal is ridiculous
Shannon: i know right .. model def does not capture half of the ris[k]
Rahul: we should not be rating it
Shannon: we rate every deal
Shannon: it could be structured by cows and we would rate it
Rahul: but there’s a lot of risk associated with it – I personally don’t feel comfy signing off…

These communications came to light during federal investigative hearings.  S&P has been sued, and has successfully defended itself claiming “free speech,” which seems analogous to a doctor claiming a freedom of speech right to write the wrong medicine on a prescription pad as a defense to the resulting malpractice lawsuit.

Politicians have vowed to do something but, of course, they haven’t followed through in any substantive manner.

This past summer S&P downgraded US debt after the government failed to meet their demands on spending, as if an incompetent and arguably crooked ratings agency has the right to dictate US fiscal policy to the elected leaders of the world’s largest economy.  During that time Treasury pointed out that S&P made a $2 trillion math error, which S&P corrected then downgraded the US debt anyway.

While nothing is likely to happen to S&P in court or through legislation the post-US debt downgrade behavior is telling: investors entirely ignored S&P’s opinion.  Demand for US debt continues to be considered so safe — safer than many other potential S&P AAA rated investment opportunities — that investors actually pay to purchase US debt.

This is likely to be the conclusion of the S&P saga, along with the other ratings agencies who are effectively just as bad: they lost credibility and investors no longer listen to them.  Since investors typically do not have the knowledge to individually rate each deal it’s apparent they’re ignoring the ratings.

Investors are investing in items like US Treasury debt, which is good for the Treasury but lousy for private businesses that need to sell their own securitized debt to thrive, but can’t in some part due to a well-founded lack of trust in the assigned ratings.

At least one start-up, R&R Consulting, co-founded by industry vets Anne Rutledge and Sylvian Raynes, are disgusted at the status quo and have announced plans to ramp-up a new ratings agency.  I’ve never spoken to them though I can see that many staff members were taught by the same faculty that help me analyze my own data.  I’m sure that they’re top-notch people; competent and, for a nice change, ethical, and I wish them well.

Because of the difficulty with the free speech argument Attorney General Madigan has an uphill road to climb, but it’s encouraging to see her willing to take on the task.

Standard & Poor’s Standards Left Investors Poorer

January 24, 2012 3 comments

By Michael Olenick & Abigail Field

The Financial Meltdown and its aftermath have spawned a still evolving mythology, a modern financial counterpart to what Greece and Rome created. Zeus, the central character, is played by the claim that dishonest borrowers preyed on unsuspecting banks to cause the meltdown. One version of the myth is laid out in a 2009 version of a widely used Business 101 textbook:

“The capitalist system relies heavily on honesty, integrity, and high ethical standards.  Failure of those fundamentals can weaken the whole system.  The faltering economy of 2008 – 2009 was due in large part to such failure.  Some mortgage lenders, for instance, failed to do the research necessary to ensure their borrowers creditworthiness.  Many subprime borrowers forfeited their loans.  The ripple effects of these unpaid debts not only cost many people their homes but also reduced the value of the housing across the country and made it difficult even for business borrowers to get new loans.  Part of the blame for this economic disaster can be placed on the borrowers who didn’t tell the truth about their income or who otherwise deceived the lenders.

“It is easy to see the damage caused by the poor moral and ethical behavior of some businesspeople.  What is not so obvious is the damage caused by the moral and ethical lapses of the everyday consumer — that is, you and me.”

– Understanding Business, Nickels, McHugh, McHugh, 9th edition, McGraw-Hill Irwin, 2009, pgs. 14-15.  (emphasis added)

“Some mortgage lenders” failed to verify borrowers’ creditworthiness? How about “By the peak of the bubble, lender-initiated fraud had grown so much that the biggest lenders, including Countrywide, WaMu, and others had set up elaborate document-faking processes to invent income for borrowers, often without their knowledge.” Another sentence that could be added would run something like: “Wall Street firms knowingly sold investors loans of much worse quality than promised, as detailed in various discovery-backed lawsuits, such as those by the FHFA (Fannie and Freddie’s overseer.)

Worse, an entire central character is entirely omitted, as if Zeus sprang full-formed sans parents:  “That massive securities fraud would not have been possible, however, without the complicity of the Ratings Agencies, who evaluated junk-filled Mortgage Backed Securities (MBS) as safe as US Treasury debt, knowing that global investors relied upon their analysis.” If the textbook were really committed to “moral and ethical behavior”, it would disclose that its publisher, McGraw-Hill, owns Standard & Poor’s (S&P), one of the big three ratings agencies. More fundamentally, if S&P were committed to moral and ethical behavior, a review of the loans in a typical MBS would show that S&P’s ratings made sense.

Before examining one, however, it’s important to understand why S&P’s ratings matter so much. And that means understanding the role of investors in our housing market.Investors  provide the money that actually funds most mortgages.  Mortgage companies, and many other consumer companies, make loans but are quickly paid back by investors, allowing the mortgage companies to fund more loans. Or at least that’s how it worked for decades; a direct consequence of the massive mortgage backed securities fraud is that almost no secondary mortgage market remains, the primary reason mortgage loans are so hard to come by now.

MBS loans are spread all over a very big country, and investors are spread over an even larger globe, so it’s crucial that ratings agencies like S&P accurately assess the security, the bundle of loans, for investors.

When S&P communicates to MBS investors, it’s talking to the true lenders to the homebuyers, lenders who openly relied upon S&P’s meaningful opportunity to look at the actual underwriting of the loans. Investors — pension funds, European villages, and other governments — relied on S&P because they trusted S&P.  Paraphrasing S&P’s own standards, investors relied heavily on S&P’s honesty, integrity, and high ethical standards.

In hindsight, investors should have been as wary about S&P as borrowers should have been about their mortgage broker and property appraiser.  Indeed, Goldman-Sachs CEO Lloyd Blankfein, referred to a “dilution of the coveted AAA [rating],” while speaking to the Council of Institutional Investors.  In 2008 only 12 companies were rated AAA, Blankfein noted, but 64,000 structured finance products received the top rating.

Against the backdrop of S&P’s parent talking about moral and ethical behavior, however, that stat looks less like a reason to chide investors than a reason to question S&P’s character. But let’s do more than question S&P’s character. Let’s take  a close look at one of those “AAA” rated MBS and see what S&P’s ratings of it reveal about S&P’s ethics and morals: Securitized Asset Backed Receivables LLC Trust 2006-NC1 (2006-NC1).  Michael chose 2006-NC1 because it is typical of that year’s vintage, and downloaded the 3,757 mortgages into a spreadsheet for analysis.

An S&P AAA Subprime MBS By the Numbers

S&P thought the world of New Century Mortgage’s 2006-NC1, or at least that’s what it told investors. S&P rated 98.2% of the loan bundle, 3,691 loans, as investment grade debt.  Specifically, 86% was rated AAA, 6.2% rated AA (the same credit rating S&P downgraded US Treasury debt to last summer), 4.7% received an A, and 1.4% earned an A- rating.  Only 1.8% of the pool, 66 loans, were rated non-investment grade; the lowest rating was BBB-. Those must be some well-underwritten subprime loans, right?

After all, S&P had the opportunity to get the rating right: it was well-paid to carefully evaluate this bundle of loans. Indeed, since 2006-NC1  is a subprime MBS, S&P demanded and received a premium. So let’s look at 2006-NC1, and examine why S&P found it so strong.

We’ll start with some of the characteristics of this pool.  1,273 of the loans, 33.9%, are stated income, 42 are limited documentation, and 2,442 contained full documentation.  Ok, take note: fully a third of the loans in this Safer-than-Treasuries security have no documentation, loans commonly referred to as “liars loans” back in 2006, when this security was being rated. Arguably, S&P by then read this 2005 FBI report saying 80% of mortgage fraud involved “industry insiders,” which made fraud in liars loans even more likely, because the gatekeepers were in on the fraud or organizing it. Despite the knowledge that a third of the loans had a high likelihood of being fraudulent, S&P rated 98.2% of these loans as investment grade.

Well, maybe S&P was getting its confidence from borrowers’ credit scores. So let’s take a look: 691 of these investment grade loans went to people who had FICO scores between 500-549, and another 693 to people with FICO scores between 550-599. That means that almost 40% of the loans have FICO scores considered bad credit.

Of the stated income loans, 96 went to people with FICO scores from 500-549, 166 with scores from 550-599, 399 with scores from 600-649, 408 to people with scores from 650 to 699, and the remaining 204 to borrowers with scores of 700 or higher. In short, about half the stated income borrowers had good but not great credit scores (between 650 to 749), while half had lower scores. Fully documented loans had a higher percentage of borrowers with low scores.  While it makes sense that low credit scores generally required documentation for funding, it’s hard to see how this overall mix looks safer than Treasuries.

Maybe the fact these were all first liens raised S&P’s enthusiasm; maybe S&P thought that meant the buyers had equity, making them reliable. The problem with that theory, however, is that.  1,094 of the loans, 29.1%, reported “simultaneous seconds,” under a header ominously referred to as “Silent Second Flag.”

Borrowers didn’t invent these “80/20″ loans, banks did. Banks wrote two loans simultaneously, typically to avoid private mortgage insurance, which had the effect of transferring default risk from insurers to investors.  Borrowers didn’t usually care, since non-deductible mortgage insurance payments became deductible second loans.

Moreover six percent of these first loans are for investment properties. Those loans are much riskier than purchase money loans for a primary residence.

Perhaps S&P reassured itself in the face of all those risk factors with the idea that these investors were in for the long haul. But that’s hard to see since 1,194 were balloon loans, a structure that only makes sense if you intend to sell or refinance.

Alright, maybe S&P was simply sure that when you take out a mortgage to buy a house, you’re intrinsically low risk, regardless of your documentation, credit score, second loan, investor status or long term commitment to the property.  Maybe S&P thought, “hey, these people want to purchase a house, and they’ll take care of it and never put lenders at financial risk.”  But even that kind of wishful thinking can’t explain the investment grade ratings. Fully 2,065 (56%) of the loans were cash-out refi’s — people using their homes as an equity piggy-bank — while another 384 were refinancing for interest rate purposes; only 1,308 (35%) were actually buying a property.

OK, no matter how we slice and dice the data, we can’t figure out how the borrower or loan financial characteristics justified the ratings. But surely there was a reason (besides the S&P’s fee, right? A moral and ethical reason?) Perhaps these homes were so geographically dispersed that S&P knew investors’ money would be as safe as US Treasuries, right?  Let’s see, 908 of the loans, 24.2%, were in CA and 487, 13%, were in FL.  That’s more than 1/3 concentrated in two states S&P should have known were in a pricing bubble; add in  TX, AZ, NY, IL, PA, NJ, and NV and you get another 1/3.  Ouch.

Investors in S&P’s AAA tranches are still waiting to see what will happen.  The $360 million A1 tranche was paid out in December 2008 with no reported losses.  Borrowers are still working their way through the A-2 tranche, though only $9.7 million remains as of the 12/27/2011.  As we work to and through the A-3 tranche it will be interesting to see how well that S&P AAA rated — safer than US debt! — shelves hold up.  Investors have already taken a $17.9 million hit on the AA-rated M-1 tranche, a $37.5 million loss on the A rated M-2 tranche, and a $10.5 million loss on the A- M-3 tranche.  S&P’s BBB tranches look more like trenches; the entire $14.1 million has vaporized.

There are some interesting stats buried in investor reports besides financials.  Some loans turned started to stink faster than if fish had been wrapped in the promissory notes.  The trust closed in May, 2006; by the end of the year 226 loans were delinquent, ten borrowers were in bankruptcy, 143 foreclosures had been filed, and eight of the properties managed to reach REO status. By June, 2009 — three years after our trust closed — we find it with 1,844 loans remaining.  Of those, 221 were delinquent, 50 of the borrowers in bankruptcy, there were 347 foreclosures, and 284 REO properties.  That is, within three years half the loans were seriously screwed-up.

Things have improved slightly, in the sense that what remains is doing a little better. By Dec., 2011, there were 1,138 loans left; 126 were delinquent, 50 borrowers were in bankruptcy, there are 225 foreclosures, and 47 houses lingering as REO’s, so as liquidations have rolled along only 39% of the loans in this highly rated trust are in trouble. Shall we set up a betting pool on how many loans will survive to the end?

After understanding just how thoroughly S&P failed to demonstrate moral and ethical behavior in rating the typical deal above, and after thinking about how crucial those AAA ratings were to fueling the housing bubble that created our current mess, reread that quote from its parent company’s textbook focusing on this sentence in particular: “Part of the blame for this economic disaster can be placed on the borrowers who didn’t tell the truth about their income or who otherwise deceived the lenders.”

We  suggest a more accurate revision would read “Virtually the entire blame for the economic disaster came from two sources. First, a price bubble fueled by excess capital, money that flowed into the system from investors relying upon incompetent, conflicted, and flawed rating bureaus, including S&P, a subdivision of the company publishing this textbook. Second, Wall Street needed highly-rated asset-backed loans, mortgages, because these loans served as collateral and allowed Wall Street to secure their own loans — generally called leverage — so they could gamble with somebody else’s money.”  We predict that this revision is about as likely to make its way into a McGraw-Hill textbook as those loans were to perform at the level S&P rated them.

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